Oil deregulation

Record oil price hikes: People must rage vs neoliberalism

Photo from BusinessMirror

Nearly three decades ago, neoliberal apologists, multilateral creditors, and the big oil companies peddled the lie of the Oil Deregulation Law that the so-called free market will ensure reasonable pump prices for the benefit of all. Today, that free market is telling the jeepney drivers, farmers and fishers, ordinary motorists, and households to endure the most significant oil price hikes in the country’s history. 

As the oil firms, economic managers, and energy officials have been telling the public for the past 26 years, these price adjustments are warranted. The crisis in Ukraine jolted world oil prices that have already been on a steady upswing since last year. A month before the conflict, crude oil prices as measured by the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) index for global benchmark spot prices were 62% higher already than its level a year ago. 

Market forces

Oil price hikes in the first ten weeks of 2022 already surpassed the price increases in diesel and kerosene in the whole year of 2021. But we are told that it is only natural that the local pump prices are moving the way they do, given that the Philippines imports practically all its oil requirements. As always, under the Great Free Market, the price of oil will eventually find its proper place once the dust of uncertainties stirred by the inter-imperialist competition in Ukraine, the COVID-19 pandemic, etc., has settled. All of us just need to hang on tight and allow the forces of the free market to do their thing. In the meantime, policymakers hope that the most vulnerable sectors can get by the price shock through targeted cash assistance

Neoliberalism makes us believe that all we can do as hapless consumers is to try to survive the market’s wrath. This is what the fuel subsidy aims to achieve – a life jacket in a tumultuous and stormy sea of runaway prices. There is no guarantee of survival.

But who or what exactly are these market forces anyway? Neoliberal fundamentalists will tell us that they are the “supply and demand”. They do not say that supply and demand, and ultimately the determination of prices, are decided by people with vested commercial interests. They are not supernatural beings; they are just super-rich – the monopoly capitalists in the oil industry, the finance oligarchs, the OPEC+ cartel, and the local compradors. They are motivated by earning the most enormous profits in the fastest way possible. 

Paper barrels

The US ban on Russian oil triggered the latest surge in prices as Washington sought to widen the economic sanctions against its imperialist rival. The way that prices are behaving, it is as though a tenth of the global oil supply (the Russian production) has been wiped out from the market overnight, which is not the case. In addition, the US is only importing 8% of its crude oil and petroleum products needs from Russia, which it can easily offset from its domestic production or other oil-producing countries. 

According to the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), there is “no physical shortage” of oil. So, what is happening then? As in the case of major oil price volatilities this century, excessive speculation in the oil derivatives markets is pushing up prices, not the disruptions in oil’s actual or physical trading. 

Reports say that the volume of speculative trading in oil has surged since the Ukraine crisis erupted. In the US’s CME (the world’s largest financial derivatives exchange), the volume of buying and selling crude oil options or bets in oil’s future price has almost doubled from 126,000 daily in the first week of February to 240,000 contracts in the first week of March. These are all paper transactions, not actual, physical trading of oil, by financial players who profit from the volatility of oil prices. 

As OPEC said, futures markets are “paper barrels”, but in the physical market, supplies are guaranteed. And not only supplies are guaranteed in the physical market, but the prices also are covered by long-term supply contracts. In other words, the actual costs of physical oil – the diesel that a jeepney driver put in his tank – are not as volatile as the daily market reports make them appear.

The Philippines is not importing oil from Russia, whether crude or refined. Most of our crude oil imports come from Saudi Arabia (45%) and UAE (34%), while finished petroleum mainly comes from refineries in China (37%) and Singapore (18%). The Energy department said that there is no actual supply shortage in the country and that oil inventories or reserves can last for more than 40 days. 

Real impacts

But neoliberalism and deregulation exposed Filipino consumers to speculative paper barrels, resulting in weekly oil price hikes not justified by actual costs in production and trade. Worse, oil companies are exploiting the unregulated weekly price adjustments for profiteering. Based on this author’s estimates, the oil companies overpriced gasoline by around ₱6.58 per liter in 2021 by simply imposing higher oil price hikes or smaller rollbacks than they are supposed to implement based on regional price benchmarks. For diesel, the estimated overpricing is ₱4.74 per liter. In the first two months of 2022, gasoline is overpriced by ₱0.24 a liter and diesel by ₱2.22.

While prices are speculative, the impacts of the actual increases in pump prices are very much real and felt on the ground. The series of oil price hikes last year, for instance, potentially eroded a jeepney driver’s income to the tune of a month’s worth of his family’s rice consumption. The central bank fears that inflation could accelerate to as high as 4.7% in a worst-case scenario of $120-140 per barrel in global oil prices. At those levels, the average pump price of diesel and gasoline could be more than ₱69 and ₱78 per liter, respectively. Given the amount of speculation and the continued implementation of deregulation, it is not implausible. According to IBON Foundation, inflation has already eroded the minimum wage to just half of the family living wage in the capital region. Overall, the oil price crisis could wipe out around ₱330 billion of the domestic economy, and the Philippines is projected to have the sharpest drop in economic growth in Asia.

The people must rage against neoliberalism and deregulation. We can no longer allow being at the mercy of financial speculators, the profiteering oil companies, and the unaccountable global market. We can no longer afford to be content with cash aid and temporary relief while oil monopolies and finance oligarchs rake billions at the expense of our livelihoods. There are very concrete and doable steps that government can take to end the madness of the free market and truly protect the people and economy. ### 

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Global issues, Military & war

Trump builds ‘legitimacy’ thru bombs and war-making

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Photo from trofire.com

When Donald Trump surprisingly clinched the US presidency, the legitimacy of his regime has been challenged from the onset. Rival Democratic Party, with the apparent help of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), immediately launched a campaign to delegitimize Trump.

Even within his Republican Party, there seems to be mistrust on Trump to pursue traditional US foreign policy, which since 9/11 has been largely defined by the neoconservatives (i.e., advocates of preemptive wars, among others).

The reason? Trump’s stance on Russia and his overtures of normalizing relations with the US’s longtime adversary during the campaign. Trump’s position reflects the agenda of the monopoly capitalist clique he represents such as a faction of Big Oil that is willing to cooperate more with Russia for its vast oil and gas resources.

One of them is Exxon Mobil, which has a mammoth $500-billion oil deal with Russia. President Barack Obama blocked the deal as one of the sanctions against Russia for its role in Ukraine. Improved US relations with Russia would allow Exxon Mobil to exploit oil from almost 26 million hectares of Russian land, said to be five times the size of what America’s largest oil company has in the US.

But normalized US-Russia relations aren’t as simple, of course. It requires a shift as well in US foreign policy towards Russia’s biggest allies Iran and China, something that even Trump himself is unwilling to do. A policy shift in Iran would greatly compromise the US long held agenda to remain in control of Middle East oil while it will not give up Asia Pacific and its massive market, vast resources and strategic sea-lanes to China.

De-escalating a lucrative New Cold War amid a prolonged economic crisis also doesn’t sit well with the military-industrial and security complex, which profits out of war and the threat of war that is constantly driven by the endless competition among monopoly capitalists to divide the world.

The controversies and predicament that Trump faces simply show the deepened contradiction among the competing big interests in the US and imperialism’s increasingly convoluted geopolitical agenda.

Picking up the momentum of the Democratic Party’s propaganda that Moscow hacked the US elections to benefit Trump, the billionaire President has been depicted as a Kremlin stooge by the CIA-fed corporate mass media. A leaked wiretapped conversation with a Russian diplomat of Trump’s national security adviser Michael Flynn, who was since forced to resign, further fired up anti-Moscow hysteria as the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and several congressional bodies investigate the alleged Trump-Russia collusion. Trump knew that the campaign to destabilize his fledgling regime was real; that a domestic CIA “regime change” operation is likely already ongoing.

In this regard, Washington’s swift decision to drop 59 Tomahawk missiles on a Syrian airbase is more about Trump trying to preserve his presidency than retaliating (in the name of “small children and beautiful babies” killed) against a supposed chemical attack by the Russia-backed Assad regime. The message that the Trump retaliatory attack (which reportedly killed nine civilians, including four children) tried to convey was clear: explicitly, the “bromance” with Vladimir Putin is no more and implicitly, the happy days for the lucrative war making business are far from over.

Trump’s self-serving intention in directly bombing Syria only serves to amplify the brutal criminality of US military intervention and war of aggression in that country and region that has already claimed thousands of innocent lives. In March alone, there were reportedly 1,472 innocent civilians killed in Syria by US-made and delivered bombs.

Amid the corporate media hysterics, a more reasonable action by Trump – like supporting Moscow’s call for a prompt and serious probe even as it claims that Assad’s opponents were the ones in possession of the nerve gas – could be easily interpreted as further proof that a Kremlin puppet is in the White House. Instead, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson hints that a regime change in Syria is now back on the agenda even if it aggravates the tension with Russia.

Trump is on the offensive to reverse the campaign to undermine his presidency by rallying the entire monopoly capitalist state machinery behind a campaign to reassert US global power and dominance, including through reckless saber-rattling and military adventurism that court all-out nuclear war.

He followed up his action against Syria with the much publicized bombing of an ISIS cave and bunker complex in Afghanistan with the so-called “Mother of All Bombs”, the largest non-nuclear weapon in the US arsenal. It was a “shock and awe” display and ruthless projection of US firepower, which is meant to send the message that it is business as usual for US imperialism and that Syria, North Korea, China, Iran, even Russia and others that threaten US interests should take notice.

After bombing Syria and Afghanistan, Trump then deployed the nuclear-powered USS Carl Vinson aircraft carrier and its group of battle warships off the coast of the Korean peninsula in an attempt to bully North Korea to stop its recent missile tests.

It remains to be seen how Trump’s more aggressive military posturing abroad will favorably impact on his shaken legitimacy at home. What is clear is that this will increase the stake for the US to meddle more in countries that play a key role in promoting its interests and agenda in the region and the world.

How such greater foreign intervention would translate in the Philippines is something that must be closely watched as the Duterte administration tries to negotiate a peace pact with the revolutionary groups that pose the biggest threat to US imperialism in the country – the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), the New People’ Army (NPA) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) –– and starts to forge closer bilateral ties with US rivals China and Russia.

Already, pro-US forces, including several of President Rodrigo Duterte’s own men, have been relentlessly undermining the peace talks with the Left while ensuring that US military presence in the country remains strong.

But the situation also presents a good opportunity for Duterte to show that his independent foreign policy is beyond mere rhetoric by asserting national sovereignty and interest over the US’s imperialist agenda. ###

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