COVID-19, Labor & employment, Poverty

Among ASEAN countries, income woes most severe, economic aid most lacking in PH

Photo: George Calvelo, ABS-CBN News

Among all members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the impact of the pandemic on incomes is worst in the Philippines. The even more dreadful news is that the Duterte administration is providing the least resources for economic aid to support affected workers and other vulnerable sectors.

Based on a recent survey by the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI), 67% of Filipino households saw their income drop by more than 25% due to the pandemic. Indonesia ranked second with 64% of households and Malaysia, the lowest, with 40 percent. The ADBI study was published in March 2021.

Further breaking down the data, more Filipino households also suffered the steepest declines in income during the pandemic than any of our ASEAN neighbors. About 21% of Filipino households had their income fall by more than 75 percent. Three countries (Cambodia, Indonesia and Thailand) had 11% of their households experience such decline in incomes during the pandemic; Vietnam posted the lowest with four percent. Similarly, an income decline of more than 50% was felt by 41% of Filipino households; Indonesia is a far second with 27% of households while Vietnam recorded the lowest with 15 percent.

The ADBI survey also noted that in the ASEAN overall, the income class of household on average is not related to the likelihood of experiencing a decline in income. This suggests that the pandemic affects the income of all households regardless of their economic status before the pandemic. But the trend is different in the Philippines where households in the lower-income classes are more likely to have income declines than those in the upper-income classes. This means that the fall in income in the Philippines described above was a phenomenon mainly felt by the poorer households.

Consequently, the Philippines also ranked first in the region in terms of households that experience financial difficulty during the pandemic. About 85% of Filipino households indicated in the ADBI survey that they were having financial difficulty; Indonesia followed with 84% while Myanmar ranked the lowest at 27 percent. 

Obviously, the poorer the household, the greater the likelihood of financial difficulty during the pandemic. This however is more felt in the Philippines than in any other countries in the region. In ASEAN overall, the average difference in the likelihood to get into financial difficulty between the richest group and the poorest group is 20 percentage points. But in the Philippines, the difference is a huge 40 percentage points, the worst in the region. 

More than half of Filipino households or 51.8% said that if they lose all of their income sources, their resources to cover daily needs could only last up to two weeks. It is the second worst to Indonesia which had a staggering 86.6% of households saying that their resources will not last for more than two weeks. About 73.2% of households in the Philippines will not last beyond a month; 87.3% will not last beyond three months.

These numbers summarize the economic hardship experienced by millions of households when lockdowns are implemented. The ADBI study illustrates how such suffering is more severe for poor households in the Philippines compared to other ASEAN countries. 

According to government data, 9.1 million workers lost their job between March 2020 and February 2021. Of this number, 2.2 million remain jobless up to this day, adding to the current number of unemployed which stands at 4.2 million based on official data. 

The actual extent of unemployment could be much widespread than what government numbers show. For instance, based on surveys of the Social Weather Stations (SWS), the number of jobless adults averaged 21.2 million in 2020. In 2019, the average was 9.3 million which indicates that the number of jobless swelled by 11.9 million during the pandemic. 

Nonetheless, latest available official unemployment data again show the Philippines as the most impacted by the pandemic. As of February 2021, the unemployment rate among Filipino workers is pegged at 8.8% and was at 8.7% in January. In Indonesia, unemployment rate is at 7.1% (August 2020); Malaysia, 4.8% (December); Vietnam, 2.5% (December); and Thailand, 1.9% (December).

With the reimposition of lockdowns, Filipino households face more miseries. The National Economic Development Authority (NEDA) said that lockdowns cost PHP 700 million to PHP 2.1 billion in lost wages every day. Government economic managers also expect unemployment rate to remain at almost twice the pre-pandemic levels up to 2022. 

Sadly, the Philippine government also allocates the scantiest resources for economic support to those impacted by the pandemic. Based on the COVID-19 policy tracker of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Duterte administration’s fiscal package for vulnerable individuals and groups is equivalent to 3.1% of the gross domestic product (GDP). The package includes cash aid program for low-income households and social protection measures for vulnerable workers, including displaced and overseas Filipino workers (OFWs).

In contrast, Thailand’s package of support for its workers, farmers, and other vulnerable sectors, including subsidies for daily household needs like water and electricity is about 9.6% of its GDP. Indonesia allotted an equivalent of 4.4% of its GDP for assistance schemes to its low-income households, for unemployment benefits and tax relief. Malaysia’s stimulus package is around 4.3% of its GDP, intended for cash transfers to low-income households, wage subsidies, electricity subsidies, etc. Even Vietnam allocated a higher 3.6% of its GDP for cash transfers, deferred tax payments, etc.

Duterte, in a leaked memo, instructed all government media platforms “to carry regular updates about the world data on COVID-19, specifically to convey to the public that the Philippines is faring better than many countries in addressing the pandemic”. The order is an attempt to counter the widespread criticism on government’s inadequate response to the crisis, but it merely further exposed Duterte’s incompetence. 

Because no matter how government spins the data, the deteriorating situation on the ground confirms what the numbers show – that the Philippines has among the worst levels and suffers the gravest impacts of the pandemic; and that government response is among the most inadequate and failed. ###

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Labor & employment

Wage hikes, slowest under Duterte

May 1 wage hikes

(UPDATED May 1, 2019) Did you know that among all post-EDSA presidents, the minimum wage has increased at the slowest pace under Pres. Rodrigo Duterte?

In his first three years in office, the minimum wage in NCR (non-agricultural rates and including allowance) has only increased by an average of 9.8 percent. At the start of his term, the minimum wage in NCR was Php454 to Php491 and are today pegged at Php500 to Php537.

During similar periods in their respective terms, the minimum wage in NCR has increased by 32.6% under Corazon Aquino (from Php89 to Php118); 22.9% under Fidel Ramos (from Php118 to Php145); 17.0% under Joseph Estrada (from Php198 to Php213-250); 13.1% under Gloria Arroyo’s first term as Estrada’s replacement (from Php213-250 to Php243-280) and 26.9% in her “second” term (from Php243-280 to Php313-350); and 16.1% under Benigno Aquino III (from Php367-404 to Php429-466).

Wage rates compared above are since the passage of the Wage Rationalization Act of 1989 (Republic Act 6727) and exclude wage adjustments on or before May 1, as reported by the National Wages and Productivity Commission (NWPC). The wage rates under Corazon Aquino cover her three last years in office since RA 6727 was passed in June 1989, while the period under Joseph Estrada includes wage rates up until his ouster in January 2001.

PH labor condition, worst in Southeast Asia

Filipino workers are worse off than most of their counterparts in Southeast Asia. Consider these comparative data culled from various regional and global institutions:

Unemployment is worst in the Philippines:

  • The Philippines has the lowest labor force participation rate at 60.7%, compared to Cambodia (86.6%); Vietnam (76.3%); Lao (74.5%); Brunei (69.5%); Indonesia (69.0%); Thailand (68.1%); Malaysia (68.0%); Singapore (67.7%); and Myanmar (61.5%), ASEAN Secretariat in its ASEAN Key Figures 2018 report (comparing 2017 data)
  • The Philippines has the highest unemployment rate at 6.6%, compared to Thailand (1.2%); Cambodia (1.6%); Lao (1.8%); Vietnam (2.0%); Myanmar (2.1%); Singapore (3.1%); Malaysia (3.4%); Indonesia (5.3%); and Brunei (6.1%), according to the ASEAN report.

Wages in the Philippines are among the lowest:

  • According to a 2018 survey of JETRO (Japan External Trade Organization), the base salary of a Filipino manufacturing worker at US$220 a month is much smaller than Malaysia (US$413); Thailand (US$413); Indonesia (US$296); and Vietnam (US$227).
  • Year-on-year wage hike for manufacturing workers in the Philippines in 2017-2018 and 2018-2019 averaged 4.8%, much slower than Indonesia (8.1%) and Vietnam (7.1%) that are already providing higher base wages to their manufacturing workers; and while faster than Malaysia (4.2%) and Thailand (4.2%), wages there are already almost twice compared to the Philippines, based on the JETRO survey.

Official poverty in the Philippines is among the highest:

  • Based on World Bank data from its Poverty and Shared Prosperity 2018 report, the mean consumption or income per capita in the Philippines is growing every year at just 1.4% (2009 to 2015), way behind Malaysia (5.9%, 2011 to 2015); Indonesia (4.8%, 2015 to 2017); Vietnam (3.7%, 2010 to 2016); and Thailand (3.0%, 2010 to 2015).
  • Comparing 2015/2016 national poverty incidence, the Philippines recorded the highest rate at 21.6%, according to the ASEAN Key Figures 2018 report. This was way higher than the poverty rates in Malaysia (0.4%); Vietnam (7.0%); Thailand (8.6%); and Indonesia (10.9%). ###
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2016 elections, Labor & employment

5 reasons why workers will reject “Daang Matuwid” in the May elections

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Photo from gettyimages.com

The “Daang Matuwid” regime of outgoing President Benigno Aquino III, which Liberal Party (LP) standard bearer Secretary Mar Roxas vows to continue, has been notoriously anti-worker throughout its six-year rule. Below are five reasons why Filipino workers will overwhelmingly reject the “Daang Matuwid” regime in the upcoming May 9 elections:

  1. Daang Matuwid opposed any meaningful increase in the daily minimum wage and further cheapened the already low wages of workers

Daang Matuwid has consistently opposed proposals for a substantial wage hike. Since 2010, the daily minimum wage in the Philippines has only increased by Php13 (Ilocos Region or Region I) to Php77 (National Capital Region or NCR). These adjustments are insignificant amid the soaring cost of living. For instance, in NCR where the minimum wage is the highest and which also posted the largest wage hike among all regions, the estimated cost of living jumped by more than Php114 during the same period, easily offsetting the Php77-adjustment in the minimum wage. Consequently, the already big gap between the daily minimum wage and the daily cost of living has even furthered widened under Daang Matuwid – from Php571 in 2010 to about Php608 today. This means that the capacity of workers and their families to meet basic food and non-food needs has been further eroded.

Worse, instead of a substantial wage increase, Daang Matuwid introduced the so-called two-tiered wage system that provided capitalists another tool in pressing down the pay of their workers. Under the two-tiered wage system, companies will give workers a basic floor wage, which is computed above the official poverty threshold but below the existing average pay. Employers can then voluntarily increase the basic floor wage depending on their own computation of the workers’ productivity. Such system means greater abandonment of government of its obligation to set wages that would allow workers and their families to achieve decent living while giving profit-seeking firms more freedom to exploit the workers.

  1. Daang Matuwid worsened the burden of workers with onerous taxes

Daang Matuwid oppressed Filipino workers with onerous taxes. Compared to other countries in Southeast Asia, the Philippines has the highest rates for income tax (5-32%) and for the value-added tax or VAT (12%). The tax system is so oppressive that that those earning about Php50,000 a month pay the same tax rate of 32% as the billionaires who own and run the country’s biggest conglomerates. Meanwhile, the regressive 12% VAT punishes the ordinary income earners as even the most basic goods and services are covered including water, electricity and petroleum products, which all directly impact on the standard of living and inflate the cost of other commodities.

There have been several proposals in Congress to correct this injustice but were rejected by the Daang Matuwid regime, dismissing them as populist and impractical measures. “Kung papogihan lang ito, wag na tayong mag-income tax,” Mar Roxas was quoted as saying. But the issue, of course, is much deeper than “papogihan” as a progressive tax reform system will allow a just distribution of wealth, help improve the living condition of many, and spur economic growth driven by domestic spending.

Another additional tax burden imposed on Filipino workers by Daang Matuwid is the so-called sin tax on alcohol and tobacco products. Guised as a measure to supposedly address health concerns caused by smoking and drinking (even as the national health budget remains grossly inadequate, state hospitals are being privatized, and poverty-related illnesses remain widespread amid low wages/incomes and lack of jobs), the sin tax in reality is primarily aimed at raising government revenues at the expense of ordinary income earners.

  1. Daang Matuwid rejected calls to increase the limited benefits enjoyed by workers such as their SSS pension

Just early this year, President Aquino vetoed the bill hiking the monthly pension (which has been at a paltry Php1,200 for almost two decades now) of 2.1 million members of the Social Security System (SSS). The Daang Matuwid regime justified its heartless decision by claiming that the SSS might go bankrupt if the proposed Php2,000-pension hike is implemented.

But as proponents of the pension hike led by Bayan Muna Rep. and Makabayan senatorial bet Neri Colmenares pointed out, SSS can avoid bankruptcy if it will improve its collection efficiency that currently stands at a dismal 35-38% (including an uncollected amount of Php13 billion as of 2014) and cut back questionable expenses such as massive bonuses for its board members (e.g. Php200 million in retirement package). The administrative cost of SSS at almost 7% of contributions is too high compared to other countries (e.g. Singapore’s 0.5% or Malaysia’s 2%). By stoking bankruptcy fears, the Daang Matuwid regime is also oblivious to its legally mandated obligation to replenish the SSS should it incur a deficit arising from the pension hike.

For the elderly workers, the Php2,000-pension hike means duly recognizing their contribution not only to the SSS fund but to the national economy while promoting their capacity to support themselves in their retirement.

  1. Daang Matuwid failed to address the jobs crisis and to promote the job security of workers

The Daang Matuwid regime would want us to believe that the jobs situation has improved under its watch. But nothing could be farther from the truth. While 692,000 jobs a year appear to have been created between 2010 and 2015, almost 7 out of 10 of the additional jobs were made in hotels, restaurants, call centers, malls, and other less productive sectors as well as in highly seasonal, contractual work like construction. In addition, research group IBON Foundation noted that job creation under Daang Matuwid is much weaker compared to previous years. Between 2000 and 2009, for instance, 732,000 jobs were created annually.

Chronic job scarcity is being concealed by distorted official employment data as government labor surveys tend to exclude jobless workers who have already been discouraged by lack of employment opportunities. Including such workers, IBON estimates that unemployment rate remains at double-digit with more than 4 million jobless workers today – or basically the same as the situation before Daang Matuwid took over.

A separate survey by the Social Weather Stations (SWS), on the other hand, shows that the number of jobless actually increased from an average of 9.5 million in 2010 to 9.8 million in 2015.

Also, four out of 10 workers are own-account and unpaid family workers that further illustrate the low quality of jobs in the country. Job insecurity, meanwhile, remains severe. IBON estimated that four out of 10 rank and file workers are in non-regular work – e.g., contractual, probationary, casual, seasonal, apprentice workers or agency-hired.

  1. Daang Matuwid continued neoliberal policies like PPP that resulted in higher prices and fees

Daang Matuwid’s centerpiece economic program – the public-private partnership (PPP) – is a continuation, expansion and deepening of the same neoliberal privatization policy started by the first Aquino administration in the 1980s. Under PPP, fares in the LRT 1 and 2 and MRT 3 have jumped by as much Php10 to 13. Among the most affected are the workers/employees and job seekers who comprise about 59% of LRT and MRT commuters. Another 32% are students mostly from working class families.

While the Daang Matuwid has vehemently opposed substantial wage hike, increase in SSS pension, and reduction in taxes, it has showered with generous perks the billionaire oligarchs who cornered PPP contracts. Under the LRT 1 PPP deal, for instance, the Daang Matuwid regime has given enormous benefits to the consortium of Ayala Corp. and the Manny Pangilinan group. Of the total project cost of Php64.9 billion, Daang Matuwid made the public shoulder Php34.9 billion or 54% of the total. Government share includes expenses for right of way acquisition, purchase of additional coaches, civil works and construction of depots. The Ayala-Pangilinan group also enjoys real property tax exemptions reportedly costing Php64 billion. ###

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